Why Chad ended its military deal with France

A few weeks before the actual planned departure, France handed over its first military base as part of the withdrawal of its military forces from Chad. French troops have left the base at Faya-Largeau in northern Chad, the last Sahel country hosting French soldiers. Just before Christmas, Chadian authorities demanded the total withdrawal of French military personnel by December 31.

"France was surprised at the speed of its withdrawal from Chad," Alex Vines, Director of the Africa Programme at Chatham House, told DW. "It was preparing a gradual pullout and was hoping that it might actually reach an agreement to maintain some sort of smaller presence in Chad. But now Paris has to go into the fast lane."

According to Chad's military, French troops left in vehicles for the capital, N'Djamena, 780km (484 miles) to the south. Before the defense agreement ended, the French army had about 1,000 personnel in Chad, located at bases in the eastern city of Abeche and in N'Djamena.

A contingent of 120 soldiers has already left for France. Chad's military said an Antonov 124 took off last week with 70 tons of cargo on board. And French authorities said military vehicles would leave by January and be repatriated via the Cameroonian port of Douala.

Chad: 'Military cooperation not aligned with reality'

By the end of November, Chad had ended military cooperation with its former colonial power France.

Chad's Foreign Minister Abderaman Koulamallah argued that it was time for his nation to "assert its full sovereignty." He described the agreement as "completely obsolete" and as no longer aligned with the "political and geostrategic realities of our time."  He also said Chad would not follow a "logic of substitution of one power for another, much less an approach of change of master."

According to Franco-Chadian political observers, several disagreements prompted Chad's decision. President Mahamat Deby's administration is dissatisfied with France and the European Union's lack of financial support for the country's electoral processes. Chad's recent elections marked the end of a three-year transition after the death of long-time leader Idriss Deby, the father of the current president.

"The EU did not finance the May presidential election, and I believe it will not finance future elections," François Djekombe, president of the Union sacrée pour la République party in Chad, told DW. He explained that Chad has a kind of mistrust towards France and the EU. And given Chad's rapprochement with Russia and other players such as Turkey, this did not please the French authorities.

"France asked for clarification. This was seen as interference, once again, in Chad's internal affairs. There were frustrations on both sides," Djekombe said.

According to Ryan Cummings, director of analysis at Africa-focused risk management company Signal Risk, much of the contention between Chad and France centers on France's criticism of Chad's involvement in the Sudanese conflict, which started in April 2023 and has since claimed more than 26,000 lives and displaced 11 million others.

"France alongside the wider Western geopolitical bloc has been trying to broker a negotiated settlement between the Sudanese armed forces and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). The war is continued largely in part by the RSF getting external backing from the likes of the United Arab Emirates who've been reportedly sending arms and other military supplies to the RSF via Chad", Cummings told DW.

"Chad is assisting the RSF because a lot of Chadians who oppose the Deby regime have taken up arms with the Sudanese Armed forces," Cummings added. "It's not a severance of diplomatic relations as we've seen across the other Sahelian states. It's just that Chad is not going to take any criticism of its foreign policy positioning from an external state and is also still trying to drum up support for its local legitimacy."

Is France losing a key ally?

A French military official stated that the handover was aligned with the schedule organized with Chad.

"The departure of French troops does coincide with a directive by the administration of Emmanuel Macron to lessen France's operational footprint on the continent", Cummings said. 

Chad has been a key ally for France in its fight against Islamist militants, serving as its last foothold in the Sahel after French troops withdrew from Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger following military coups. Since its independence in 1960, French forces have provided crucial military support to Chad, including air support to halt rebel advances. In total, the French army intervened six times.

However, anti-French sentiments have swept the country, with thousands of Chadians protesting for French military departure, after Boko Haram insurgents killed 40 Chadian soldiers in the Lake Chad region in October. The Chadian government accused France of failing to provide support or information after the attack, leading to demands for French troops to withdraw and the termination of the defense pact.

"With the presence of French satellites, drones, and other partners, this attack should not have happened," Ladiba Gondeu, a Chadian social anthropologist, told DW. "It is clear that there was a lack of proper coordination and intelligence-sharing that could have prevented such attacks."

Who will replace France?

The end of the defense agreement also raises questions about Chad's future alliances and its impact on regional dynamics. In May, Chadian authorities ordered the withdrawal of US troops from the country. The region has seen a shift toward Russian influence. Chad, bordered by nations hosting Africa Corps (formerly known as the Wagner Group), a Russian private military company, has also explored closer ties with Moscow.

"If the ground is left empty and if rebellions were to rise against the N'Djamena regime, and if the military powers we have are overwhelmed by events, Chad would certainly have to call on allies to ensure its security and protect the regime," Ladiba said. "Russia would be a significant ally that could potentially be called upon for military or material support or intelligence."

Chad's President Deby previously said that ending the defense agreement with France did not mean "a rejection of international cooperation or a questioning of our diplomatic relations with France."

Deby's top envoy Koulamallah underlined that France was an "essential partner," but that Chad must "redefine its strategic partnerships according to national priorities."

Chad's future collaborations with European powers could either look like in Niger, where "around 300 Italian militaries are still stationed on a bilateral military basis", according to Vines. "Or it will be more ideological, like in Mali, which has completely thrown out any engagement with Western partners and is focusing on Turkey, China, and the Russian Federation in particular for its security arrangements."

For Chad, the EU remains a significant economic power in terms of foreign direct investment and humanitarian aid.

Vines said Hungary has recently appointed a special envoy for Chad, which might be a chance for them to "take a lead on Chad, which is a way of configuring the EU, which is often led by countries that have had colonial heritage in Africa."

This way, Vines explained, Chad could become a template for a new design of future EU-Africa relations.

Blaise Dariustone in N'Djamena and Saleh Mwanamilongo contributed to this article

Edited by: Chrispin Mwakideu