Crucial test

Bosnia is divided between former wartime adversaries living in two autonomous regions - a separatist Serb Republic and a Muslim-Croat federation.

It is still without a government seven months after the last elections, and political leaders in the Serb Republic continue to advocate dissolving the country. In the latest challenge to central authority in Bosnia, the regional Serb parliament has backed plans for a referendum in June on the legality of Bosnia's national court, which prosecutes war crimes suspects.

The international High Representative for the Balkan state, Valentin Inzko, regards the planned vote as a blatant attack on the Dayton Peace Agreement and has threatened to cancel the referendum. Deutsche Welle's Christina Bergmann met Inzko in Washington.

Deutsche Welle: Mr. Inzko, you recently spoke to Serb President Milorad Dodik. Did you get the impression that your ultimatum has had any effect, that the Republika Srpska will cancel the referendum?

Valentin Inzko: I am not very optimistic, although the Republika Srpska is coming around: they have offered to postpone the referendum by three months instead of holding it in June. That's not a good compromise for the international community. It would be best if the Serbs themselves annulled the referendum.

You've given the Serbs a deadline - when does it run out?

This week. The executive committee meets on Friday, and we may be able to extend the deadline by a few days - but only if we receive concrete proposals for a compromise. If not, we will implement the international community's resolution this week or next.

Is there any other way to prevent the crisis?

Yes, there always is. Concerning Bosnia-Herzegovina, I often say that if there were just a gram more political goodwill, Bosnia's political elite could solve their problems alone, without the international community. They need that extra bit of political willingness.

You last reported to the UN Security Council in November. Even then, you were hoping the parties involved would show political willingness, and you were much more optimistic than today. What has changed since then?

Back then, I had good reason to be optimistic, based on the elections and the fact that moderate factions had won them. In the Federation, that was mainly the multicultural Social Democratic Party, made up of Muslims, Croats, Serbs and members of many minorities.

Unfortunately, however, seven months later there is still no state government and my optimism has taken a more realistic turn. All the same, I believe that once we have solved the issue of this referendum we could go ahead and form the state government.

This week in New York, how much support have you received from the members of the UN Security Council?

I have been the UN's high representative for a little over two years now and I have never been so unanimously supported. It's not just about the referendum, either, we're also looking at a possible cancellation of all of the high representative's previous decisions, and that is much worse.

In the past, high representatives have really had a positive influence. Just think of the state's symbols - the flag, the anthem, passports, license plates, a common currency - those are all based on decisions made by high representatives. That would all be lost if this referendum were to take place, or if the Republika Srpska would not retroactively recognize the high representative's decisions. What a catastrophe that would be.

In this major crisis, I have the most support I have ever had, with the exception of the Russians. The Russians have sided with the Serbs in Bosnia-Herzegovina. I'm pleased that everyone else has given me as much support as they can.

But as a veto power, Russia plays a key role in the Security Council.

Absolutely, and I still have my hopes pinned on constructive powers among the Russians. They have a big influence on the Republika Srpska, and they have business and political interests there as well, so they could have a positive influence.

What manner of support have members of the US administration here in Washington been giving you?

Both Brussels and Washington have been supporting me, though I must say that the Americans have been a bit more sensitive. We are after all talking about the Dayton Peace Agreement and its greatest achievement was ending the war and retaining the state in its classic borders.

Of course, the present constitution is not perfect. It has its flaws. For instance, there is no supreme court. That is why the office of the high representative was created: to act as a broker in order to interpret the constitution. The Americans have a keen interest in seeing the Dayton agreement implemented, a process that is still ongoing. For instance, not all the refugees have returned home. That is the reason that Washington has a more sensitive approach.

Maybe the fact that US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton is married to Bill Clinton, who ended the war, also plays a role. She has visited Bosnia several times and has a personal relationship to the country. It is an issue close to her heart; that is something I have noticed in negotiations with the US, concerning their support.

Despite all the other ongoing crises, the Americans aren't about to forget Bosnia?

No, the Bosnians have a special relationship to the Americans, they are thankful that the US ended the war. They are more wary of the Europeans who stood by and watched. But in those days, Europe didn't have common foreign, security and defense policies. Just look at Libya: it is much easier now, that wasn't possible in those days. The Bosnians have great expectations of the EU's diplomatic service.

Mr. Inzko, you will soon hand in your EU mandate and the Europeans will nominate their own special envoy for Bosnia-Herzegovina. When will that be?

The selection procedure should be finished by this week or next, and I suppose that the new head of the delegation could be in place by August or September. We are looking forward to that: the Bosnian perspective is, after all, European and within NATO.

But of course there must be a certain credibility. By instituting its own special envoy, Europe is speaking with one voice and in addition, it will have access to restrictive measures to counter politicians who do not act in a pro-European manner, who are destructive.

If you look beyond the present crisis, what is your prediction for Bosnia-Herzegovina's future?

There will be other crises, but they will be minor. But I am confident because we also might be looking at a possible new generation of politicians. On a local level, they are already there. There are about 50 or 60 communities that function beautifully.

Quite a few Bosnians are international stars, and not only in soccer. In 2002, a Bosnian received an Oscar for the film "No Man's Land," as well as the Golden Palm at the Cannes Film Festival. They are talented people and if they have a say, Bosnia will change. Which is why I remain optimistic, despite the odds.

Interview: Christina Bergmann, Washington / db
Editor: Martin Kuebler