How Israel prevents its neighbors from getting nuclear arms

Tensions between Israel and Iran have escalated in recent weeks, pushing the region closer to a broader conflict.

On Tuesday, Iran fired around 180 missiles toward Israel after its ally, Hezbollah, a Shia militia considered a terrorist organization by several countries, suffered heavy losses in Lebanon. Hundreds of civilians have been killed in recent weeks during Israel's attacks on Hezbollah targets.

The escalation has also sparked speculation that Israel might target Iranian nuclear sites.

But Iran isn't the only country whose nuclear ambitions have concerned Israel.

Since its founding in 1948, Israel has been at odds with many of its neighbors, several of whom do not recognize it as a state. A major security concern for all Israeli governments is the potential for regional powers to acquire nuclear weapons.

Israel itself is widely believed to possess its own nuclear arsenal, but it follows a policy of ambiguity, never officially confirming this. For Israel, the idea of adversaries obtaining nuclear weapons poses an existential threat, as a single nuclear strike could devastate the small nation. This fear has driven Israel to undertake both covert and overt actions to prevent nuclear development in the region.

Here's a look at how Israel has sought to curb the nuclear ambitions of leaders elsewhere in the Middle East.

Operation Damocles (1962-1963): Targeting Egypt's rocket program

In the late 1950s and early '60s, Egypt, under President Gamal Abdel Nasser, invested heavily in ballistic missile and jet aircraft programs.

In the early 1960s, Cairo enlisted several German scientists — some with ties to Nazi Germany's wartime missile programs — to help develop long-range rockets at a site known as Factory 333. Although not a nuclear program, the rockets had the potential to carry radioactive material.

Israel responded by instructing its intelligence agency, Mossad, to neutralize the German scientists working on the project. The operation involved assassinations, intimidation and sabotage. Between 1961 and 1963, parcel bombs killed or injured several scientists, while others abandoned the project under threat. This campaign severely hindered Egypt's missile program and established a precedent for how Israel handles regional military threats.

Operation Opera (1981): Rise of the Begin Doctrine

On June 7, 1981, Israel launched a preemptive strike on Iraq's Osirak nuclear reactor at a facility near Baghdad, using US-supplied F-15 and F-16 fighter jets. The airstrike killed 10 Iraqi soldiers and a French engineer.

Iraq, led by Saddam Hussein at the time, had acquired the reactor from France, claiming it was for peaceful purposes. However, Israeli intelligence believed Iraq intended to use it to develop nuclear weapons.

Before the strike, in 1979, Israeli operatives sabotaged equipment bound for the reactor at a shipping hangar in the French Riviera. In 1980, several scientists working on Iraq's nuclear program were mysteriously killed.

The mission, known as Operation Opera, became a cornerstone of Israeli defense policy, leading to the establishment of the Begin Doctrine, named after Menachem Begin, who ordered the strike during his time as prime minister from 1977 to 1983. This doctrine emphasizes Israel's commitment to preventing hostile states from acquiring nuclear weapons.

Although the strike significantly crippled Iraq's nuclear ambitions, Hussein continued to covertly pursue nuclear capabilities. However, the Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s, the Gulf War in the early 1990s and subsequent international sanctions ultimately prevented Iraq from advancing its program.

Operation Orchard (2007): Halting Syria's nuclear efforts

Israel launched another covert strike in 2007, this time targeting a nuclear facility in Syria. Intelligence reports suggested Syrian President Bashar Assad was secretly building a nuclear reactor in the Deir ez-Zour region. The facility, known as Al-Kibar, was nearing operational status, raising alarm in Israel.

On the night of September 6, 2007, Israeli fighter jets carried out Operation Orchard, a precision bombing mission that destroyed the Al-Kibar reactor. The strike effectively ended Syria’s nuclear ambitions and prevented it from producing nuclear weapons. Israel kept the operation secret for several years, officially acknowledging it only in 2018.

After the strike, UN inspectors found significant traces of uranium at the site. However, Syria did not retaliate or formally address the attack at the UN Security Council. Instead, satellite images showed that Syrian authorities bulldozed the site, removing debris and constructing a new building to cover up the existence of the reactor.

Ongoing covert campaign against Iran (2000s-present)

In recent years, Israel's primary focus has shifted to Iran, which has pursued nuclear capabilities for decades.

Unlike previous operations, which relied on airstrikes, Israel’s campaign against Iran has involved cyberwarfare, sabotage and targeted assassinations. Iran's nuclear program, spread across multiple facilities and heavily fortified underground, presents a more complex challenge.

One of the most notable actions was the deployment of the Stuxnet virus, a sophisticated weapon believed to be a joint Israeli-US operation. In 2010, the virus infiltrated Iran's Natanz nuclear facility, damaging centrifuges used for uranium enrichment. Stuxnet caused the centrifuges to malfunction, leading to the destruction of about 1,000 units.

Although Israel has never officially claimed responsibility for the cyberattack, multiple sources have reported it was a collaboration between the US and Israel. The operation, code-named Olympic Games, began under President George W. Bush and continued under President Barack Obama. Experts agree that only a few nation states, such as Israel, have the technical expertise to develop such advanced cyberweapons.

Over the years, several Iranian nuclear scientists have been assassinated, with the highest-profile case being the killing of Mohsen Fakhrizadeh in 2020. Widely considered the architect of Iran's nuclear program, Fakhrizadeh was killed in an attack that many believe was orchestrated by the Mossad intelligence agency. As with other operations, Israel has neither confirmed nor denied involvement.

In addition to assassinations, several explosions and accidents at Iranian nuclear sites, including a 2020 blast at the Natanz enrichment facility, have been attributed to Israeli sabotage. While Israel has not officially taken responsibility for these incidents, they align with its broader strategy of using unconventional means to hinder Iran's nuclear development.

Under Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Israel has long opposed the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), the 2015 nuclear deal between Iran and world powers that aimed to limit Iran's nuclear activities in exchange for sanctions relief.

Under the deal, Iran agreed to maintain transparency by allowing international inspections of its nuclear sites under the Non-Proliferation Treaty framework. However, Netanyahu argued that the JCPOA did not go far enough to prevent Iran from eventually acquiring nuclear weapons.

Netanyahu even openly campaigned against the deal, clashing with then-US President Obama, a move that drew criticism from many in both Israel and the US. In 2018, under President Donald Trump, the US withdrew from the deal, a decision that blocked diplomatic avenues for addressing Iran's nuclear program and escalated tensions in the region.

Israel's efforts have failed to halt Iran's nuclear program, with many observers warning that Iran could soon produce enough material for a nuclear bomb.

How effective has the doctrine been for Israel?

The Begin Doctrine has been "very effective," said Andrew Tabler, a Middle East expert at The Washington Institute for Near East Policy. He told DW that after Israel's bombings of nuclear facilities in Iraq in 1981 and Syria in 2007, neither program was reconstituted.

However, this approach may not be as effective with Iran, he said, and could have serious repercussions.

"A strike on Iran’s nuclear program may not fully destroy it and could provoke Iran to retaliate against US-allied oil infrastructure in the Arab Gulf, sending shock waves through global oil markets," said Tabler.

Edited by: Ben Knight