Germany makes U-turn on weapons deliveries to Saudi Arabia

It was Germany's conservative-led government under Chancellor Angela Merkel that restricted German weapons exports to Saudi Arabia in October 2018. This was in response to the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul and Saudi Arabia's involvement in the war in Yemen, where an alliance of Arab states is fighting against the Iranian-backed Houthi rebels under Saudi leadership. That war has triggered one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world.

Now, just over five years later, the government led by Chancellor Olaf Scholz is reassessing its relations with the Saudi government. Following the terror attack by the militant Islamist Hamas on Israel on October 7, Saudi Arabia has been making a significant contribution to Israel's security, said Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock (Green Party) on January 7 during a visit to Jerusalem. "And this is helping to contain the danger of the conflict spreading across the region."

Policy turnabout

The ruling center-left coalition of Social Democrats (SPD), Greens and neoliberal Free Democrats (FDP) has reconsidered its position.

At the end of December, the German government is said to have approved the export of 150 IRIS-T guided missiles to Saudi Arabia. Government spokesperson Steffen Hebestreit confirmed this on Wednesday, January 10.

The foreign minister also no longer wants to block the sale of European fighter jets to Saudi Arabia. There are already 72 Eurofighters flying under the flag of the Saudi royal family. The UK would like to supply 48 more. But this would require the approval of the German government because the Eurofighter, also known as the Typhoon, is a joint production.

"The Saudi Arabian air force also employed Eurofighters to shoot down Houthi missiles that were bound for Israel," said government spokesman Steffen Hebestreit in Berlin on Monday. "And it is in the light of all these developments that the German government's position on the Eurofighter must be seen."

Disagreement within the coalition agreement

The largest opposition group in the Bundestag, the conservative bloc of Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and Christian Social Union (CSU), has welcomed the federal government's new line. However, there is resistance within the government itself — from Green Party lawmakers who were surprised by Baerbock's announcement.

"The issue of arms exports has always been a core issue for the Greens," said Sara Nanni, defense policy spokesperson for the Green Party's parliamentary group in the federal parliament, the Bundestag.

The party has its roots in Germany's peace movement. And their foreign policies are shaped by ethics rather than geopolitical considerations. The coalition agreement between the SPD, FDP and Greens from 2021 explicitly states that there will be no approval of arms deliveries to any country that is directly involved in the war in Yemen.

Green MP Sara Nanni still stands by this decision. Although Saudi Arabia's role in the Yemen conflict has changed slightly, "that is no reason for me to approve Eurofighters," she told DW.

After nine years of fighting, Saudi Arabia's level of commitment has changed and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has been open about his wish to exit the costly war, giving rise to hopes for imminent peace talks.

The Greens had agreed to arms deliveries to Ukraine "because there are good reasons for giving a democracy that is being invaded for the second time by an imperialist aggressor the opportunity to defend itself. I don't find these good reasons in the case of Saudi Arabia," Nanni explained.

Saudi Arabia is considered a huge market for military equipment. The country, which regularly ranks low in human rights and democracy surveys, spent around $75 billion (€68.5 billion) on weapons in 2022 alone.

German hesitation stems from its history

Germany ranks number five in the list of leading arms exporters compiled by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI). However, it is considered hesitant when it comes to exporting equipment to countries outside of the NATO alliance and the EU German war crimes during World War II are often cited as a reason for this reluctance.

"It's not just our historical responsibility," says Nanni, "but also Germany's understanding of the damage that is caused by war and violence by aggressive actors. Here, this is perhaps even more pronounced than in other nations."

In joint armaments projects such as the Eurofighter, this restraint has often been met with resentment among Germany's partners such as the UK. The German government has refused to issue permits for German companies and even their international partners to sell weapons to Saudi Arabia.

Defense industry representatives have warned that future joint projects, for example in tank or aircraft construction, were at risk because potential partners feared German export restrictions.

The German government's about-turn should now raise hopes of clinching new billion-euro deals.

"An end to the German blockade is justified and necessary," wrote Matthias Wachter from the BDI industry association on X, formerly Twitter.

"It helps Israel and prevents Germany from becoming isolated in Europe in terms of arms policy. More European cooperation in security policy is only possible with greater trust and not through vetoes," he wrote.

This article was originally written in German.

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